Within the same province of Azuay, for example, and the overwhelming 42% of Pachakutik, the worst performance was in Cuenca (39%), while in the rest of the cantons, many of them more rural, their percentages were above from 50%-60%. By sheer numerical weight, Arauz had the priority of convincing Pérez voters in Quito (222. 000 votes) and Cuenca (121,000 votes). In his discursive turn, he spoke to them. Here the following interpretive hypothesis is necessary. The most important "cleavage" for most of the voters who voted for Yaku Pérez in the first round was that of "right/left." We are not referring to a societal macrocleavage that organizes all politics or the vision of the world on these two axes. On the contrary, the definition is more austere.
We simply refer to the heuristic mechanism that helped to simplify the decision of the voters in a political and cognitive sense. But for other voters, the most important "cleavage" was "correísmo/anticorreísmo"; for example, for those who voted for Xavier Whatsapp Mobile Number List candidate of the Democratic Left ( id ) who surprisingly came in fourth place in the first round, with 15% of the total valid votes3. The label «correísta» (or «anti-correísta») was precisely a useful abbreviation that was not fully defined, but that captured what those voters could identify and against which they could take a position.
The hypothesis that we proposed with respect to these voters, for example, was that the majority of them were going to be located on the anti-correísta side of the division and vote mostly for Lasso in the second round. Post-election analysis shows that this is what actually happened4. Returning to the voters of Yaku Pérez, we said that the most important cleavage that simplified the decision for them was that of «left/right».